Leading Labour

Most people in Labour still feel shattered by December’s defeat. And many of us find the current leadership’s determination not to accept their responsibility for that defeat to be exasperating, frustrating and infuriating. But whatever the reasons for that defeat, most of the people I know want to move on. But to move on having learnt the right lessons from that defeat and not simply accepting the easy excuses – this wasn’t about Blair. It was a rejection of Corbyn. Time to come to terms with that reality.

But anyway. The UK leadership election gives us the opportunity to reflect on what we need to do to win back the trust of the British people. And Labour faces some historic choices. And this is where learning the lessons of December is crucial. I never want to put our members and supporters in the same position again. We need a leader with whom people can feel an empathy and a confidence together with a policy programme that is rooted in our values, inspiring, believable – and deliverable

For me I will be voting for Lisa Nandy as my first preference with Keir Starmer as my clear second preference. As deputy leader I will be voting for Rosenna Allin-Khan. 

For me – like many others – the decision came down to a straight choice between Lisa Nandy and Keir Starmer. I like Keir and I recognise that he is respected across the party with a lifetime of radical politics and campaigning under his belt. I also believe that he can reach out and appeal to people throughout the UK and establish clear compelling policy initiatives. But so is Lisa and so can Lisa. And for me Lisa is the more radical and the more authentic voice who can speak to the real experiences of the people I represent in Blaenau Gwent. I disagreed with her over Brexit but it’s time to move on and put those divisions behind us. 

My experience of government tells me that policies and principles are fine. As are speeches and resolutions. But without power we are impotent. And again most Labour members that I know see and feel and witness the damage that the Tories are doing to people in our communities. I spoke to the people running the food bank in Nantyglo last week and they told me again how many more people are seeking help than ever before. Those people need a UK Labour Government more than they need self-righteous genuflecting in front of the latest sacred cow.

So what do we need from our new leader?

Firstly to regain people’s trust. It was not only Jeremy Corbyn that was roundly rejected in December but also our manifesto and the direction that the party has taken in recent years. Put simply. People looked at us and did not like what they saw. They saw a party unable and sometimes unwilling to deal with bullying, abuse and antisemitism with a manifesto where spending commitments were made in every sentence and speech. And as a consequence the people who are forced to budget hard every day and every week did not trust us with their family’s futures and livelihoods. 

And in rebuilding that trust we need to demonstrate that we understand the lives of the people we represent. Lisa talks about bus services and town centres. So do the people I represent in Blaenau Gwent. Decent jobs and services. But also the experience of how we live our lives. And this understanding is crucial if the people who walked away from us last month are to return to Labour in the future.

I believe that Lisa can reach out and speak for and to the people that want to vote Labour. She can rebuild that trust by speaking clearly and not in the language of Westminster (Or Cardiff Bay) and with a strong focus on the quality of work and quality of life issues which go to the roots of people’s frustration with politics over past years. A return to business as usual means a return to Tory UK Governments. We need a leader who is able to build a coalition for change and coalition for a different sort of politics.

But this trust needs to be rooted in substance and not just a superficial facade of change. We need a radical programme for government. And a radicalism rooted in changing our futures and not simply a tired, dull and clichéd parroting of the totem poles of leftist prejudice over the last forty years. And perhaps one of the most important elements of this new radicalism is a fundamental and historic change in the economy of the UK. We need to redistribute the wealth that we create in the UK and we need rebalance the economic and spending decisions that all too often benefit only London and the south east of England. For us in Wales it means making common cause with similar communities in different parts of the UK where wealth needs to be shared more fairly. And quite simply in this defining policy choice I trust Lisa to deliver. 

At the same time one of the clear challenges that faces Labour is to reinvent the UK. Much is made of the future choices facing northern English towns and cities alongside the future of Scotland and Northern Ireland. The hard reality is that unless we embrace home rule for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland alongside significant and substantial redistribution of political power in England then there won’t be a UK left to worry about. These programmes of political and economic reform need to be at the heart of our renewal of Labour. And I welcome the commitment of every candidate to this federal or confederal future.

And finally I also believe that it is time that Labour elects a woman as our leader. I supported this position last year in our own leadership election in Wales. Despite everything that the party has achieved in recent years we will not be taken seriously on equality if we cannot bring ourselves to actually support a woman and elect her as our leader. 

All of this is urgent for Welsh Labour. Next year we will be electing the new Senedd. The UK general election alongside the latest opinion polls have given us a clear warning of the challenge we face. And no-one should pretend that the UK leadership will not matter next May.

So what about the deputy leadership? I regret that this election is taking place at the same time as the leadership election. A consequence of this timing is that the essential role of the deputy leader is diminished and the election receives far less attention and consideration. 

I will support Rosenna Allin-Khan. In reality my choice was between her, Angela Rayner and Ian Murray. I was greatly tempted to support Ian Murphy because our UK leadership does need to understand that the UK is more than England. But I felt that Rosenna has not only a compelling personal story but a reach and a radical, incisive and instinctive political insight which has impressed in this campaign. Her clarity, her vision and her ability to speak and inspire is something which will help us campaign and win. So I will vote for her.

How much time do you need Jeremy?

Jeremy Corbyn asked for a period of reflection. So I’ve been doing some reflecting.

The first and most obvious response to this catastrophic defeat should be Corbyn’s immediate resignation. He’s spent most of his time in parliament demanding the resignation of far more electorally and politically successful leaders so he knows the drill. 

He needs to go and he needs to go now. Today. 

We need an interim leader. My suggestion would be that we ask the PLP to elect a leader that will allow us to hold Johnson to account over the coming months. The process of Brexit requires and demands a leader of the opposition to scrutinise and oppose. Corbyn has proven himself incapable of fulfilling this role and certainly cannot remain as leader during the process of debate and discussion that we need if we are to renew the party. And when he goes his office needs to go as well. The playboy revolutionaries have done enough damage. 

But we need to recognise that this defeat was not only a defeat for the man but a defeat for what he stood for as well. His failure was personal, political, policy and principle. Corbyn must go but for Labour to recover Corbynism must go as well.

I hear the recipients of Momentum’s emails making their excuses. Of course Corbyn was subject to appalling and unacceptable personal attacks from the right wing media. But then so has almost every Labour leader in history. Many of these people seem to have forgotten the treatment that Neil Kinnock endured with a quiet but angry dignity. 

And then we are told it was Brexit that forced working class communities to vote Conservative. Not Jeremy’s fault. Wrong. It was Brexit that shone a sharp light on the wider failures of his dysfunctional leadership. Brexit is the defining issues of today. I know where I stand. And I didn’t need a focus group to tell me. My values drove me to an instinctive response to this project of the far right. But I still don’t know what Corbyn thinks. Doesn’t he have a values set that drives his beliefs and actions? The impression is gained that he says one thing but believes something different. He doesn’t feel honest on it. And everyone can sense it. In many ways it has been Brexit that defined the chaos and dishonesty of Corbyn’s leadership. After three years we find ourselves in a situation whereby leavers believe that we’re a remain party whilst remainers think we’re a leave party. Quite a triumph. It was a policy failure on the most important domestic issue of the day and the issue upon which the election was called. His disastrous decision not to have a view on Brexit compounded and confirmed people’s disbelief in, and distrust of, him. And we lost far more remain supporters than we lost leave supporters. It was a political failure rooted in hubris. 

The other issue that defined his leadership was antisemitism. Time and time again I was ashamed to be a member of the Labour Party. His actions and his refusal to act made me feel deeply embarrassed. The constant excuses for friends and for antisemitic acts and words helped to create the toxic culture of bullying and abuse which has infected the party under his leadership. He must take personal responsibility for this distasteful culture which has driven good people like Luicana Berger to leave. The hounding and abuse of journalists like Laura Keussberg was also a reflection of this toxicity. And women always abused more than men. It’s no accident. His refusal to apologise for the hurt and pain he has caused the Jewish community left me not only angry but also a feeling of being humiliated as well – how could I justify to myself staying in a party led by this man? Over the last five years he has had time for every cause you can name but no time to visit Yad Vashem or Auschwitz. 

And then the manifesto was published. 

My heart sunk when I read it. Whilst many people will agree that individual elements of the document may be attractive to different groups of people. The whole thing simply wasn’t a credible programme for government. And many people hated that we thought they were daft enough to believe that Labour could deliver it. In many ways it simply confirmed people’s worst suspicions about Corbyn’s Labour. He’s not a serious leader. 

And this speaks to our most significant failure. It includes Corbyn but is not limited to him. For a decade Labour has been a shouty spectator on austerity. Had we been serious then we would have done the hard work on economic policy as Brown did in the 90s. But we didn’t. Playing with numbers on the back of an old fashioned fag packet. Raising more money on the back of a (probably) smaller economy where no-one pays more except the toffs. I didn’t believe it. And neither did anyone else. But why on earth wasn’t this the point of serious debate in the leadership? And if they believed in the manifesto why didn’t we campaign on it? Save the NHS?

The centre-left has failed to articulate an alternative to austerity. And the fact that it is as true in the US rust-belt as it is in the heads of the valleys isn’t an excuse. And printing monopoly money isn’t the same as challenging the economic orthodoxy that has failed so completely since 2010. And the fact of that failure makes our own failure to provide an alternative all the more calamitous.

And this lack of seriousness was validated with additional unfunded pledges on WASPI or broadband. I spoke to people who were genuinely angry that they thought Labour assumed they wouldn’t see through it. 

So we lost in the face of nearly a decade of austerity which has ripped the heart out of our communities and public services. Most people that I met during the campaign didn’t want to vote for either Johnson or Corbyn. This election did not see a groundswell of support for the Tories. They didn’t see the increase in support that they anticipated. This election was lost because the Labour vote crashed. It is a Labour problem. Neither party leader enjoyed widespread respect but at least Johnson wasn’t Corbyn. We were told this on doorstep after doorstep. And we knew it before we knocked a single door.

And this wasn’t an accidental election or one of Johnson’s choosing. Tony Blair was right back in September when he warned that we could not win an election until Brexit was resolved. Knowing that were woefully ill-prepared to win an election, many of us argued for and campaigned for a referendum with an election afterwards. But we were told that the party wanted a general election. And then Corbyn forced Labour MPs to vote for it. This was an election of Corbyn’s choosing. 

And finally we fought a campaign which was confused, self-indulgent and incompetent. Too many of the people speaking on behalf of the party simply weren’t up to it. They were not credible and were unable to articulate a compelling vision of the future. And now we’re told that these same people – Rebecca Long Bailey or Richard Burgon should be part of a leadership team? Seriously?

The decisions we take now will determine whether Labour can challenge seriously in 2024 or 2029. Or whether we continue with Corbynism without Corbyn. We don’t simply need a new leader. We need a cultural and political renewal. And unless we address these issues seriously then most people will assume that the party’s over and will act accordingly. 

We need a reforming parliament and not simply a remain parliament

The agony of this UK Parliament will end with its dissolution later this week. A parliament that no-one liked ended by an election that no-one wants. My own view of this unnecessary election chimes with that of most MPs – of all parties – it is the wrong time and for the wrong reason. Westminster would do well to understand the reality of fixed-term parliaments rather than to run screaming to the electorate whenever the Prime Minister sees an opportunity for personal and political gain. 

But that was last week. We need to focus now on how this election can be a turning point for the progressive voices in Britain and not simply for the right wing for whom Brexit is their talisman.

Against all assumptions Labour has probably had a better first week than the Tories. In Wales the Tories started the week refusing to comment on a key candidate and aide to the Secretary of State deliberately collapsing a rape trial. Even the BBC didn’t believe their explanation. The week ends with another key candidate apologising for suggesting that poor people should be put to sleep. They give the appearance of having selected their candidates from the Brexit Party’s B-list. 

Labour, ironically after the last few years, has a reasonable position on Brexit. But it is undermined by the failure of our shadow cabinet to speak purposefully or with any clarity on the matter. And Labour’s election slogan – for real change – will motivate existing supporters but can reach out to those people who feel disenfranchised, that politics has let them down.

My feeling is that we should go further and be far more radical. And in doing so make and change the political weather. We can dominate the campaign and reshape politics after it.

Labour should make this election one which can deliver real radical change rooted not only in our social and economic values but also rooted in a programme of far-reaching political change. 

And if we are radical in our policies then we must also be radical in our politics and radical in our approach to this election. And not simply radical when it’s over. And that’s where it gets difficult. Labour as a party has a strong cultural antipathy to coalitions and working across the aisle. Culturally Labour sees itself as a strong but singular voice. Which is ironic because as a party it is a coalition which is constantly making and remaking compromises with itself. 

My suggestion would be two-fold. Firstly we accept that this election has the power to change the future of Britain. For good or for ill. Secondly we recognise that we can create and lead a coalition for radical change but – and this is the difficult bit – we can’t do it alone. 

If we do this perhaps we may even save the union of the United Kingdom. And this is the unspoken truth about this election. 

Hundreds of thousands of people joined a rally for independence in Glasgow over the weekend. The latest of a series of marches which have attracted huge numbers of people over the last few years. It is clear to me that future generations in both Scotland and Northern Ireland have little cultural commitment or personal attachment to the UK. If Labour focuses on our manifesto alone there is a real danger that this may be the last UK election to a parliament that can deliver such a programme in the British Isles. 

An alternative is that Labour can put itself at the head of a movement which not only defeats the Johnson and Farage duopoly on radicalism but which also drives the change to empower and enfranchise people across the UK. 

But it won’t happen by accident. 

It means making painful and difficult decisions. 

It is unlikely that Labour will win the 600-odd seats it is contesting in Great Britain. In many places there are other progressive parties which can win some of those seats. And constituencies where our participation in those local contests could help deliver not only the election of a Tory committed to a hard Brexit but an overall result which does not build a broad alliance for radical change either. 

This is especially true in this particular election. Polls are polls. People believe polls they like and dismiss those which tell an inconvenient truth. But what every single poll shows is that the electorate is volatile and fragmented. Seats in this election may be won on a little over 30% of the vote which is an appalling reflection of the weakness of our electoral system. But the question I want to answer is how we change it. 

And it is our first-past-the-post electoral system that makes such arrangements necessary. If we had a modern system of proportional representation then there would be no need for such a course of action. Under STV everyone gets to vote for both their preferred candidate and others representing their wider preferences.

The easiest thing in the world is to sit around and practice self-indulgence. To criticise the Lib Dems about their record in the coalition government, to criticise the Greens and Plaid and the SNP over many other issues. Easy. Comfortable. And ultimately futile. A thousand Twitter posts about the “Fib Dems” and condemning “separatists” achieve little in reality except to prove the political virtues and virility of the writer.

In Wales we have governed in coalition with the Libs Dems and Plaid in the past. Today we govern with the help of the former leaders of the Welsh Lib Dems and of Plaid Cymru. Both excellent ministers and both delivering not only a policy programme but a political programme as well. 

It’s a crashing irony but a surprise to no-one that those people who are most fiercely opposed to any sort of electoral agreement are also the same people who are most strongly opposed to the electoral reform which would make it irrelevant. They appear to prefer the Tories to sell the house rather than to take some hard and tough decisions. 

Anyway. It may be time for us to extend this more intelligent, far-sighted and mature approach to politics and political change to the rest of the UK – or at least to the rest of Great Britain. But any electoral alliance must go further than simply a second referendum on Brexit. I don’t want this election to be about Brexit alone. I want to see a commitment to a more fundamental and deeper political change. It could mean that this unwanted election in the depths of winter is a turning point in our history. 

Johnson is a catastrophically bad prime minister. His personal record is appalling and his gamesmanship in governing has been laid bare by both scandal and the judiciary. But his removal from office can be more than a return to the failed politics as usual that gave us austerity and Brexit. Real change would mean no more politics as usual. 

So for me a political programme which certainly delivers a final say referendum on Brexit but also a broad programme of political reform to include PR for Westminster, a truly federal UK and regulation in renewing and cleansing our politics may be the programme which begins to heal the wounds of the last few years. Such a prize would be worth the pain of compromise in an electoral alliance over the coming weeks.

A reforming parliament and not simply a remain parliament. 

It may even mean that there is a UK in which a subsequent election will take place. 

We need reform and renewal before we need another election – or referendum.

This evening Members of the UK Parliament will be asked to vote for a general election to take place on December 12th or if we are to accept the pure opportunism and self-interest of the SNP and Libs Dems maybe a few days earlier on the 9th.

But the sheer pointlessness of this evening’s tomfoolery reveals more than a ruthless gaming of the constitution. It reveals a fundamental weaknesses of a constitution when a Prime Minister and a group of different parties can come together to overturn the statutory parliamentary term to force an election on an unwilling population. And to do so at a time when our politics are broken and our national discourse poisoned by dark money, aggression and threat of violence is nothing short of criminal.

The background to today’s vote is not simply the failure of the UK Government to deliver on its Brexit policy but last week’s shocking, but not unsurprising, poll from Cardiff University which demonstrated that the threat of political violence is now an accepted part of our national life.

I hope that the majority of MPs will vote against Johnson. But I hope that they will also do more than walk around in a particular circle or whatever else counts as voting in the Palace. I hope that they will begin the work of reforming our democracy before we head to the polls either for a final say referendum on our membership of the EU or a general election to end the agony of this parliament.

So let’s start in the beginning. 

There are two reforms needed before we vote. The first is to reform the rules around the conduct of public debate and then secondly, reform to address the weakness of the UK parliament. We need a UK Parliament Reform Act. And in different ways both these issues crystallise the constitutional crisis that is unfolding in front of a deeply frustrated population.

The House of Commons’ Culture and Media Select Committee has done some sterling work over the last two years to uncover and explore the attack on our democratic structures and our democratic culture which is taking place in front of our eyes. So let’s make use of this work. I would like to see the Conservative Chair of that Committee, Damian Collins, be given the time and space and resources to put in place some legislation, with the same all party support he has enjoyed in the committee, to stop the use of social media and dark money from subverting our political discourse. And to do so immediately. Such legislation would need a sunset clause of about two or three years to provide us with the safeguards and the space to consider, and to put in place, a more enduring statutory framework.

The hard truth is that the UK is not a safe place for democracy and democratic debate today.  

And for anyone who does not believe last week’s Cardiff University poll?

Then take a look at this….

IMG_1230.jpegThis shocking image was posted on the Facebook page of the Brexit Party candidate in Blaenau Gwent five weeks ago in response to some low level abuse aimed at me. But it is not an attack on my words or actions. It is a direct personal threat towards me as an individual.

And over a month later, it’s still there. 

The image is shocking enough but the words “Karma is coming” constitutes a direct threat. The Police have taken no action and the Brexit Party appear to think that it is has a place in our public discourse. 

I do not. 

I’m happy to take part in robust political debate. But in my view this is not simply the acceptance of political violence but the active encourage of political violence and is the same threatening behaviour which is undermining our democracy.

And this is something which should play no part in our politics.  For me it is clear that the Brexit Party and the hard right wing who are responsible for this image are also responsible for the same sort of imagery which attacks ethnic minorities and the thuggish images we all see disfiguring social media which are designed to incite or encourage a violent reaction. Fundamentally my view is that Brexit needs to be sorted before we hold another UK General Election. But I do not believe that we can do that at present. In fact until we address the violence and brutality in our political and public discourse I would not support either a referendum or an election taking place.

And then the second issue is that of a constitution which has collapsed. We witness the spectacle of a government unable and unwilling to govern and a legislature unable to force the government to act. This is a lesson in the frailties of the UK constitution which have been ruthlessly exposed and exploited by the current Prime Minister. 

So whatever comes out of this mess I hope that a UK Parliament Reform Act is one of them. All too often we believe that parliamentary reform starts and ends with the Lords. But the Commons is not fit for purpose either. And this reform needs to be led from outside the institution. All too often reform process are led by MPs for whom the current structure is too comfortable and too easy.

The Palace by the Thames is fond of lecturing the world on its own virtues. But it has become a laughing stock and a model of a dysfunctional parliament. Imagine what those MPs – who happily and breathlessly run out to College Green to explain to a bored nation the ludicrous nature of their decision-making – would be saying if the Welsh Parliament acted in this way? Imagine what those commentators who are happy to enthral themselves in the detail of Westminster gossip would say if in Cardiff, our government, ministers and members behaved in such a way?

All too often over past months Westminster has been exposed not as a sovereign legislature but as a puppy parliament. Compelled to do the government’s bidding. Obeying its masters voice. 

Without the intervention of the Supreme Court and some courageous parliamentarians who put our democracy ahead of their personal interests and their party’s interests we would have already seen the birth of an elective dictatorship.

A strong and effective legislature has space and time for a government to govern and rules which allow a government to get its business done. But that legislature must also have rules which provide for proper scrutiny and for that legislature to determine its own business, when it will sit and how it is able to control its own order papers. Virtually none of the chaos of the past few months would have been allowed in modern parliaments such as those in Cardiff and Edinburgh.

But parliamentary reform must follow political and democratic reform and renewal.

In Government civil servants always advised me never to waste a good crisis. And there is as deep a crisis facing us today as we have experienced in our lifetimes. So I hope that in this crisis lies an opportunity. An opportunity for change and an opportunity for reform. An opportunity to renew our politics and to cleanse our public discourse. 

But I will finish with a warning. Unless that change happens then someone else will be hurt and that will not be either an accident or an unforeseeable tragedy. It will be the direct consequence of inaction. 

They’ll be coming for us next….

This is an article I wrote last week for the Institute of Welsh Affairs. In a week with lots happening and us trying again to get our constitution fit for the future. Again. I’m arguing that essentially too many people think that the struggle and campaign for Welsh democracy is won. My view is that whilst there are real opportunities over the coming years to achieve the sort of constitutional settlement that will allow us to move forward after over a quarter of a century of argument, there are also significant and serious threats facing us. 

There’s a common assumption amongst many commentators that Brexit is breaking up Britain. And that may be true. The potential of a border poll ending the Northern Irish state would be quite a way of marking its centenary. At the same time the Scots may also be driven by a combination of an English nationalist government and a careless London-centric culture to believe that they can do better themselves. And as things currently stand who can blame them?

The received wisdom is that this will naturally drive the ever-cautious and more-conservative-than-we’d-ever-want-people-to-know Welsh to follow a similar route. Many people, including myself, have been clear that a United Kingdom of Englandandwales is no union at all. Of course, the major flaw with the inevitability theory of the future is that it has a terrible tendency to keep letting down those people who happily believe that it will somehow change the future for them whilst they enjoy a cup of tea.

But this assumption fails to understand the volatility and power of the right wing populism that is driving not only the debate over Brexit but has captured the Conservative Party and is driving a new more aggressive and narrow sense of Britishness and using the machinery of the UK Government to help it do so. Rather than the end of Britain as a political construct I fear that we may be witnessing the emergence of a new authoritarian Britishness that recognises the plurality of political power across the countries of Britain in theory but which in reality works to undermine and to dismantle devolved political power, building a new centralised British state in its place. 

It is this ruthless and relentless Brexit populism with its intolerance of dissent that is actively creating, driving and reinforcing the divisions that have characterised and disfigured our public discourse in the last three years. And if it is prepared to describe our independent judiciary as “enemies of the people” and to challenge the democratic legitimacy and authority of the UK Parliament then just imagine the attitude towards a National Assembly which actively seeks to oppose, challenge and question its new hegemony. We can’t say that we haven’t been warned. 

And here lies the hard reality and the challenge facing those of us who have spent a lifetime fighting for Welsh democracy.  By a small margin Wales voted to leave the European Union. And it was a vote that was certainly driven in part by this new assertive British nationalism. But it was more driven by this populism. A populism rooted the failures of our current democratic institutions and political parties to respond effectively to austerity and the economic reality of life for too many people. And we shouldn’t be surprised. It is the same populism that has driven the electoral successes of right wing parties across almost every one of our Western liberal democracies. 

The unchallenged messianic appeal of Farage and his little coterie of angry shouty privately-educated millionaires means that these rich and powerful individuals can now label comprehensive schools as the incubators of entrenched privilege and the occupants of castles dismiss the sons and daughters of council estates as an elite that needs to be defeated in the name of the will of the people. And which allows them to get away with such hypocritical and sanctimonious cant. 

And it probably goes further and deeper than this. Welsh politics is completely out-of-step with this outraged and enraged right wing demagoguery. Traditionally our political debates have been marked by an acceptance of many left-of-centre and liberal ideas and assumptions. Whilst it is always a good thing to challenge the status quo and lazy assumptions, without an indigenous press and media we cannot easily hold a conversation with ourselves. Our news media and our public discourse are dominated by a London-centric view of the world, all too often our own debate is drowned out in the noise emanating from London. And for many people that’s just fine. But it means that we have far fewer tools at our disposal to challenge this new right wing. 

And I see it at first hand. I represent Blaenau Gwent. It is the place which recorded the highest leave vote in Wales. I am repeatedly told that this proves the people I represent are determined to leave the EU under any or all circumstances and that they want a return to a British Imperial Government – union jacks and blue passports. And it is true that there are a proportion of people who do want this – as there are in many places – those same people who cannot believe that the threat of a British gunboat doesn’t bring Johnny Foreigner to heel. 

But overwhelmingly my real experience is different to that. And this is another reality. 

Many, and possibly most, people in Blaenau Gwent feel that politics (and politicians) have let them down. Canvassing in the referendum campaign I spent less time discussing the rights or wrongs of the EU and more time discussing the failures of the local council and the failure of those of us on the centre-left to respond adequately to the impact of the 2008 financial crash. Austerity may have originated in SW1 but its impact is not felt in the restaurants and bars of the Palace by the Thames. The hard human impact of austerity is the daily reality of life for many of the people that I represent. And many voted to leave the EU because they couldn’t see any benefit from a status quo that had failed them. And the same right wing Brexiteers who champion the abolition of inheritance tax – which affects almost nobody in Blaenau Gwent – also tell us that the EU funding which has paid for apprenticeships and investment in our local infrastructure is simply a gravy train for a Cardiff Bay elite. 

And here is the danger for our own democratic institutions in Wales. Our National Assembly and our emerging democratic institutions mean nothing to the new right. The intense and angry intolerance of dissent that I see on social media is shaping a different sort of national debate. For these populists democracy stopped when polls closed in June 2016 and if we stand in their way then our institutions – which do not have the advantage of a centuries of cultural acceptance – will also be a target for abolition or emasculation “in the name of the people”.

Ironically this is a very un-British approach to politics. The fundamental tenets which unite most parts of our different British political traditions is a tolerance, a belief in freedom of expression, political pluralism, a respect for political opponents and for our shared institutions. The authoritarianism of this New Right is foreign to us and our history and it has no respect and no place for either those institutions and cultural norms which have been the bedrocks of British democracy over the centuries. A campaign which was founded on the belief that we need to restore our sovereignty and our democracy has now turned its sights on that sovereignty and that democracy. Again our parliaments and any democratically-elected representative who questions the will of the people is angrily dismissed. Only the Queen appears to have escaped their wrath.

So I believe that we need to make the case again for a Welsh politics and re-make the case for Welsh democratic institutions and governance. And also make the case for a politics which is tolerant and generous. A politics which is rooted in a democracy in Wales and across the UK with checks and balances and underpinned by an intelligent and open debate and a democratic culture. And of course it is this openness and this tolerance that the new right wing Brexiteer populists hate and fear most of all. 

It’s time to call out the hard right wing and end the consensus that gives them oxygen

It’s a surprise to no-one that Mark Reckless has re-ratted. His reputation was already tarnished in Conservative circles when he arrived on the Conservative benches. That reputation now lies in tatters on every side of the chamber. 

But it is all too easy to simply attack the self-abasement of the carpetbagger from Kent. In reality this exposes something which has been the untold story of the current Assembly. 

It is only three years since the election of seven UKIP members was supposed to shake things up.  In fact for much of the time they haven’t even turned up.

They were going to break the “cosy consensus” in the Bay. 

Since then apart from smoking some curious substances in hotel rooms, making nasty tacky abusive videos, wasting thousands of pounds of taxpayers cash on offices which are never open,  it is difficult to see what they have brought to the Bay apart from bile, hatred, xenophobia and idleness.   

They have never been subjected to same scrutiny as other Members and as such they have managed to get away with…. and whisper it gently… a widespread recognition that these “independents” and “Ukippers” do not deliver the goods. They do not work as hard or undertake any of the representative roles that other Members (of all parties) undertake as a matter of course.

But today’s events mean that we are at a crossroads. And our democracy is being undermined by a hard right wing who practise xenophobia as a political weapon and prejudice as a political cred. These people have never stood for election in Wales. Their names have never appeared on a ballot paper anywhere. They have never subjected themselves to the scrutiny of a constituency or accountable to the party that selected them. They are an organised fraud. Chancers and clowns who believe that the rules do not apply to them. And they want us to pay for it. 

And it is a challenge to all the other political parties.  Today’s events are making a mockery of our democracy and our democratic structures and processes. It is fundamentally unjust that the people who voted for a particular political party now see that vote being stolen and used by people they did not elect to be treated as their own personal property. 

So what do we do?

I believe that we do a number of things. Firstly we make it absolutely clear that none of these people have a personal mandate which enables them to join or create any political grouping as they choose. They have never won an election. And despite their loud and shrill complaints that the “will of the people” is supreme and sovereign they appear happy to dispense with that same “will of the people” when it is inconvenient. Reckless was elected as a UKIP member. He walked to the Conservatives. And now he has walked again. He has no legitimacy. And no democratic mandate. And neither do any of his friends. 

As a consequence of this illegitimacy we should not recognise them as a group and not accord them the rights and privileges (and taxpayers funding) that this status would normally demand.

And then we look hard at how taxpayers resources are allocated within the National Assembly. It is neither right nor proper that people who walk away from the parties that elected them are funded to do so. At present additional funding is provided not only to groups but to independents as well. This should stop immediately.

Finally we should review the standing orders that allow this nonsense to happen. The National Assembly’s standing orders were written in order to promote a consensual and an inclusive approach to politics. And I agree with this laudable ambition. But this is now being systematically abused. And our standing orders should reflect the hard reality of this abuse rather than the hopes and aspirations of twenty years ago. 

And we cannot forget the politics of this either. These people and their poison are able to thrive because all too often our politics fails our people. 

The people that I represent in Blaenau Gwent want more than a daily struggle to make ends meet. Austerity is the reality of life for too many people and the easy lazy lies of the Leave Campaign promised the opportunity to make a fresh start. The Leave Campaign was always a tool of the hard right wing. Now they are an organised force that plants the seeds of hatred and prejudice in communities across our country. 

Our response must be to lock them out of our democracy. In the first instance we do not allow them to undermine our national parliamentary democracy. And then – and more importantly – we defeat them. I want Welsh Labour to recognise the threat from this right wing and to lead this political movement. To win not only the next election but to win the hearts and minds of the people who currently feel that well-meaning speeches and resolutions do not reflect the day-to-day reality of their lives. And creating that political movement must be our priority. 

You can’t simply wish for a million Welsh speakers. You need to legislate for it as well….

The Welsh Government has today announced that it is withdrawing the Welsh Language Bill. This was a reforming piece of legislation which was designed to breathe life into our manifesto commitment to create a million Welsh speakers by 2050. I launched it with a consultation in the National Eisteddfod in 2017. And despite the noisy opposition from a few in the Welsh Language Society, its broad vision was welcomed and it began a serious debate about the future of Welsh language policy.

My initial reaction on appointment was to scrap the standards and legal minefield that they had created. But I was persuaded that the standards were working in creating new statutory rights for those of us who speak and use the language. The proposals were designed to provide a solid basis for the development of policy and planning for the future of the language.

I greatly regret the Government’s decision today to withdraw the Welsh Language Bill. This was a radical proposal to not only overhaul the bureaucracy that has turned Welsh language support into a quagmire of regulation and red tape. But it also underpinned the vision of creating a million speakers.

Without a firm statutory basis for the delivery of this vision I fear now that the government is not only shooting itself in the foot but is preferring the easy route of no change and no ambition.

The legislation was designed to create a Welsh language powerhouse. A powerhouse that would promote and encourage and normalise the use of Welsh. It was to become an international example of minority language planning. We certainly now cannot move beyond the limited ambition of the 2011 Measure and will not be able to legislate for language use in the private sector.

This is letting down all the thousands of people for whom the million speakers vision was creating a momentum for fundamental change not only in policy but how the Welsh Government operates. The legislation had the support of a broad consensus across the Welsh language community. That community will be left wondering what the policy is and what is the ambition for our language?

The Welsh Government had an opportunity to realise a radical vision that would have transformed the future of our country and secured the future of our national language. Radicalism and reform in government is difficult. I know. I have always pursued a route of reform. And we must not retreat from a reforming agenda.

I am grateful to the minister for discussing this with me prior to the publication of her decision. I hope that she will reflect on this decision. I fear that this will be seen as the point where the seriousness of the government on this policy was brought into question. And I fear that it will also be seen as the point where those voices for whom this policy and this vision were never a priority will feel emboldened to dismiss language policy and pour scorn on the objective we set ourselves in our manifesto.

The biggest challenge of all

This afternoon we will elect our new First Minister. 

I was pleased to hear the new Welsh Labour leader, Mark Drakeford, using his first broadcast interviews to emphasise the need to think harder about the long term. Hallelujah. Our politics, like all politics, are always dominated by the short-term. And it does none of us any good.

For me the biggest and least discussed, and certainly least understood, long-term challenge facing Wales is the future of our public finances. 

For the first ten years of devolved government we could answer every question over government decisions, policy, or even democratic legitimacy by spending money. For every challenge there was a spending commitment. The Welsh budget was doubled and the people appeared to be content. For the first, and only time, in recent history there was a reduction in child poverty in our most deprived communities. And then 2008 happened. During our second decade we have been able to protect core services in which we had invested in those golden years. The NHS budget has been protected and local government has been protected.

But that cannot go on forever. And it won’t. 

Theresa May was, I believe, deliberately obfuscating when she declared austerity to be at an end. Austerity has failed every test set for it. It has not paid off debt, it has not delivered improved economic performance and it has not delivered sustainable public services. In response the Tories have packed away their promises and preferred a misunderstood narrative about the economic crisis than finding a long-term solution to its consequences. Today, with Brexit weakening our economy still further, this means that the UK is probably at its most enfeebled and diminished at any time in our modern history and certainly in any international comparison. 

But pointing out the obvious is an inadequate response to this crisis. Since 2008 the centre-left has collectively failed to articulate a convincing response to austerity. The former Greek Finance Minister, Yanis Varoufakis, recently described 2008 as our generation’s 1929. And he was right. But we haven’t yet found our FDR. Protecting key services is not the same as challenging the fundamentals. This is not simply our failure in Wales and the UK. It is an international failure. And into this vacuum has stepped the hard right wing populists. And we all know what happened next. 

So far. So what?

It’s going to get worse. And in Wales especially so. For three very distinct, and Welsh, reasons. 

Firstly the decisions that the UK Government will take on the future of UK finances. Despite Theresa May’s warm and misleading words in Birmingham, austerity will continue and will worsen for most public services over the coming years. If we assume that NHS spending will continue to grow as predicted over the next five years or so then this growth will be paid for by significant reductions in all other spending areas. Every analysis of the last UK budget provided this same outlook. In five years time local government may well look back at this budget as the good years. 

Secondly the profound impact of Brexit reducing growth and weakening our economy in absolute terms and relative to our international competitors. We have already seen the impact of Brexit on our public finances. We have seen reductions in growth which has already led to a reduction in our ability to take tax out of the economy. It is not unreasonable to assume that, whatever happens over the coming weeks in the Palace by the Thames, there will be reduced economic growth and consequently a reduced ability to deliver taxation. From the Institute for Government’s examination of 14 different studies, to the UK Treasury forecasts and most recently the National Institute of Economic and Social Research report on the current Brexit deal, there is broad agreement on the conclusions. Most economists, and certainly within Welsh Government, we are looking at income potentially trailing this reduced growth by about 1%. And as a consequence of this the planned the reductions in public spending described above may well become the more optimistic scenario. 

And thirdly our own declining tax base. One of those issues which even politicians fail to fully grasp is the impact of Welsh taxation. Many of us have argued for many years for fiscal devolution to deliver the level of public accountability which is essential for good government and proper scrutiny. But there are consequences. To date the Welsh Government has essentially been a spending department. From next April income tax rates will be devolved and even without changes to rates of taxation the structure of taxation will change. And that means a fundamental change to our politics. And I’m not just talking about headed notepaper. 

If we change nothing then the Welsh tax base will decline relative to the wider UK tax base and in many ways this will crystallise the challenges facing us. It will mean that Wales will see a reduction in our ability to deliver tax income and therefore spending on public services as a consequence of the UK funding framework. And this reduction will be over and above the reductions that will be seen across the UK as a whole. The Wales Centre for Public Policy outlined the challenge facing us last July. And it should be required reading for anyone with an interest in the future of our politics.

Taken together these different pressures will deliver a perfect financial storm in the first half of the new decade. And who’s talking about it? Week after week we see both opposition parties in Cardiff Bay demanding increased spending on a different policy every week. Whilst we can marvel at the sheer creative hypocrisy of the Tories and enjoy the spectacle of Plaid spending the same money at the end of every speech or question, the hard reality is that Welsh Labour has to do better and more than simply enjoying an opposition out of its depth. Hubris doesn’t butter the bread. 

And this is the acid test of a longer-term approach. How to grow our tax base at a time of economic stress. How to do so in absolute terms and relative to the rest of the UK when we are starting from a position of relative weakness. And how do we structure our services and structures of governance at a time when it is unlikely that we will have the capacity to maintain the current structures? And to do all of this in a way which is rooted in our values and in a country where we do not have the policy communities to provide us with a range of policy choices and options which can be tested in a wide and deep political and public debate.

That’s quite an in-tray for the incoming First Minister. 

The case for radical change 

To me leadership is plural and not singular. It is a verb and not a noun.

This short note seeks to explain some the reasons why I decided to seek support for the leadership of Welsh Labour. This is A personal manifesto which goes into more detail on these issues. Please click on it, download it and see what you think.

Over the past few months many of us have been speaking about the future we want to see for our party and our country. I am anxious that we are all able to contribute to an open and wide-ranging conversation about how we make the radical changes that I believe we need to make in both the party, reinventing our socialism, changing the way in which we govern and how we meet the new challenges of the future if we are to continue to enjoy the trust of the people of Wales.

I launched this campaign above Tredegar at the Nye Bevan memorial. It is where I started my own personal journey and it is where our own socialist values have driven radical change which has transformed the Labour party and our country.

My leadership will be about this radical vision for change. To me leadership is plural and not singular. It is a verb and not a noun.

I believe that we need to rediscover the spirit of Nye Bevan and reinvent a new Bevanism for the 21st century. We all feel and share the anger that Nye felt over poverty and how it destroys lives and communities. But Bevan also brought those values and principles to life and used that anger to fashion a political and not simply a rhetorical response. And that is our challenge. My manifesto describes my own vision for a new democracy and a new politics which is rooted in an optimism and belief that together we can renew and reinvent Welsh Labour.

Fundamentally I believe that we need radical change because our politics is broken and that our democracy is facing a real existential crisis. Too many people believe that devolution and the National Assembly are immune from the international crises facing democratic politics across the West. I believe that democratic government in Wales is facing a real crisis of confidence and one which may even lead to a crisis of legitimacy unless it is urgently addressed.

Since I launched this debate we have seen how Gareth Bennett’s words of hatred and venom have generated enormous coverage over his attack on the Muslim community. This is a xenophobia and a chauvinism that should have no place in either our National Assembly or our wider public discourse. But at the same time in our own party the stain of antisemitism has also disfigured our own debate and has undermined our ability to hold the right wing to account. That is why Labour needs to address these issues and then on the basis of a moral authority confront the alt right populism which is one of the biggest threats we face as a party and as a community. And to defeat it we need to win hearts and minds and not just elections.

And in launching this campaign for change I am not proposing incremental or gradual change or a difference in emphasis. It is about asking hard and sometimes uncomfortable questions. I do not seek easy slogans or lazy populism – telling people what I think they want to hear – this is a radical campaign about challenging ourselves so that we are better able to serve and to reinvent ourselves for new challenges in the future.

We have succeeded in defending Wales from the worst of Tory austerity and we have created a Welsh politics unthinkable two generations ago. But to sit back and point at our record is the worst possible response to the political, social and economic change that we are witnessing today.

I do not believe for one moment that I possess all the answers but I do believe that by asking these hard questions and by making radical and challenging proposals for change that we begin the process of political change and political renewal.

The vote to leave the EU in constituencies such as mine in Blaenau Gwent was driven by many factors but I believe fundamentally the referendum was a referendum on our politics and how we do politics as much as it was a referendum on the EU. It may have been a vote against Brussels but it was certainly a vote of no confidence in Welsh and UK politics. And this is the emergency that we need to address – restoring trust and confidence in politics as a means of making and creating change. And politics as a means of ending austerity. We will not be taken seriously on social justice unless we address these fundamental issues.

How we fashion a political movement across the UK and in government in Wales that can invest in our people wherever in Wales they live. And how can we use the powers that we hold in Wales to follow a different political and financial strategy to a Tory UK Government – we cannot simply point and blame the Tories when we hold power in Wales. We have gone some of this way but we need to go much further.

I believe that so far our debate over the leadership and the future direction of the party has been too managerial rather than tackling the major issues that face us as a nation and as a party. I believe that we need to be more radical.

So my priority in this campaign is to make the case for that change to our politics and change to the way in which we govern our country. And this change will be rooted in my values of democracy and equality. I believe in the power of democracy as a force to empower our citizens and drive changes throughout government, the way in which we deliver public services and the way in which we manage our economy. And equality is how we achieve real social justice for all our citizens. It is my belief that equality will provide the test for all our politics.

And these values of democracy and equality will drive a policy agenda to address the three key and fundamental issues facing us as a country – how we eradicate poverty and its impact on generations of people in Wales; combatting climate change which is the crisis of our age, and thirdly, Europe. I believe that Brexit is the greatest disaster facing Wales today and is the biggest economic risk facing our most deprived communities. Brexit is not a technical issue which requires technical solutions. It is a matter of who we are as a people and our principles as a party.

These values and principles represent my strong and compelling beliefs which will be the key driving principles for any government that I lead. Too often in Welsh Labour we spend too much time explaining why things cannot happen. We can be imprisoned by process and held hostage by our past. Bevan was a creative, imaginative and far-sighted political leader. We need the same energetic, dynamic and vibrant leadership today.

I look forward to that debate and conversation across Wales over the coming months. I hope that this manifesto – A personal manifesto – will be a positive contribution to that debate.

It’s time for Labour to root out antisemitism

The last few months have been pretty traumatic for anyone who wants Labour to be an open inclusive, compassionate and comradely place where we can challenge each other and come together to campaign to create a different sort of country and a different sort of society.

At a time when we are facing one of the worst governments in my lifetime – more riven than Major’s miserable regime in the nineties and more incompetent even than Heath in the seventies – Labour is focused inwards, unable and seemingly incapable of addressing the huge political challenges facing us. We seem to have spent the whole summer struggling and failing to come to terms with antisemitism.

And let’s be under no illusions. This is awful. We should not be in this place. We should never have been anywhere close to it. And this week it got even worse with the former Chief Rabbi comparing the UK Labour leader with Enoch Powell and comparing Corbyn’s words with Powell’s rivers of blood speech. Some may argue that the comparison is misplaced or inappropriate but no-one can possibly argue that Jonathan Sacks’ words do not powerfully illustrate the complete breakdown in the relationship and trust between the Labour Parry, particularly Jeremy Corbyn, and the Jewish community.

For many of us these months have been depressing and distressing. The bad situation is made worse by the way in which too many Jewish members have been treated both by the party and by some members on social media. The harrowing experiences of Luciana Berger and Margaret Hodge demonstrate the hard and inescapable reality of what happens when we allow the stain and smell of antisemitism to infect our debates and our political discourse.

And let’s also be clear. There is no smear and no orchestrated campaign. No attempted coup and no conspiracy. This pain is self-inflicted.

So let me say this and let me be crystal clear.

Whatever is decided by the party’s NEC next week, if I am elected as leader of Welsh Labour I will ensure the complete IHRA definition, along with all of its examples, is adopted in full by Welsh Labour. I will also ensure that this is enforced in the spirit as well as in the word. Under my leadership I will make Welsh Labour a party that positively welcomes Jewish members and supporters alongside all others as a valued part of our national community. We will also celebrate the Jewish culture and community and celebrate the part it has played and continues to play in Welsh life.

I am completely clear in my mind that it is absolutely possible to debate and discuss the Middle East and to be highly critical of the actions of the Israeli Government or the Israeli Defence Force and do so without suggesting antisemitism or doing so alongside those who are clearly antisemitic or by sharing platforms or speaking on behalf of groups, organisations and individuals who express antisemitism. I know this because I have done so for most of my adult life.

I have worked in Beirut, in Damascus and in Amman. I have worked alongside Palestinian activists and have visited the refugee camps of Lebanon, Syria and Jordan. I have spent time talking and listening and witnessing the intense and heartbreaking suffering of the Palestinian people. I was on the West Bank at the beginning of the second Interfada in 2000. But I have also visited Israel and spoken with ordinary Israelis who live in constant fear for their lives and the lives of their families and who sometimes also live in a never-ending terror of the future. And I have stood in the rubble of the gas chambers in Auschwitz.

I disagree with fundamental aspects of the recent nation state legislation passed by the Knesset, I am appalled by the recent violence in Gaza, I disagree with the policy of expanding settlements on the West Bank and I disagree with the building of a wall to separate Israeli and Palestinian communities. But I am also appalled at the indiscriminate killing and violence of Hamas and some other Palestinian organisations.

It is right and proper that we debate and discuss these matters. But we must do so in a spirit of goodwill and comradeship putting our Labour values at the heart of our debate. And our values can never allow us to offer any support to organisations who practice terrorism or antisemitism.

The IHRA is neither a threat to freedom of speech and neither does it prevent open, measured and intelligent discussions of the actions and decisions of the Government of Israel. What it does prevent is the ugly, nasty and discriminatory and chauvinistic abuse of Israel and Israeli citizens – and it prevents this because such rhetoric is always deeply antisemitic. Sustaining and supporting and protecting free speech should never be used as a pretext for allowing or even enabling antisemitic abuse and behaviour to be tolerated in any way. This spurious argument is a chimera and should be exposed as such. 

But why on earth would we as a political party want to encourage, enable or tolerant such behaviour anyway? Why would we want to allow the obviously grossly offensive comparison between Israel and Nazi Germany? Why would we want to hear our members describing Jewish people in terms which we would never tolerant if those same terms were used to describe other peoples? Why on earth would we allow antisemitic tropes of a Jewish conspiracy or of shadowy Jewish control of our institutions reminiscent of the thirties to become a part of our political currency today?

Over the past few months we as a party have demonstrated our failure to understand some of the basics of antisemitism and how images and suggestions of antisemitism have been used to attack Jewish people and the Jewish community. We have also failed to understand the fundamental and intense cultural fears of this Jewish community for whom the holocaust isn’t only a constant part of their history but a part of their present as well. Where persecution, intimidation and discrimination form a part of an identity where such harassment has been a constant over the centuries. And this is neither an academic or abstract issue, something for the history books or for other people in other countries. It matters to us in Wales.

The Jewish community has always played an important part in the life of Wales. And we have our own history to come to terms with. I am from Tredegar and the Jewish Riots in 1911 is a part of our history that we have not fully accepted or recognised.

For a week in August 1911 riots that had began in Tredegar spread across the coalfield. Jewish properties and shops and businesses were attacked, looted and destroyed. A frightening foreshadowing of that which would happen a little over twenty years later. In this way antisemitism isn’t something that happened or happens elsewhere. It is a part of our history in Wales, and a part of my personal history in Tredegar. My own grandparents would have witnessed the impact of that violence and probably knew, or were at least familiar with, some of the rioters. We all have a personal responsibility to act to recognise this and then to apply those lessons to our politics and to our country today.

By our words and actions and our failure to address these matters we have caused deep hurt, pain, anguish and despair throughout the Jewish community. These have been the worst of days for the Labour Party. And anyone who cares for the future of the party needs to recognise the depth and importance of this issue. We need to apologise for this and we need to put it right. 

To me leadership is about doing the right thing. And anyone who aspires to lead needs not only to understand these things but must also be prepared to drive radical change where it is needed. And adopting the full IHRA definition is the only the start. We also need a culture of respect and tolerance in our party. A culture where the language and the tone of our debate needs to change. Where our culture as a party reflects our values and our politics.